Language & Identity: Nonfiction Guest Edited by Stevie Billow

Annotating the First Lesson of Diné Bizaad: Speak, Read, Write Navajo

by Danielle Shandíín Emerson

After Danielle Geller, “Annotating the First Page of the First Navajo-English Dictionary.” #

Textbook image with a chart that says Lesson 1. Underneath, line 1: BÍHWIIDOO’ÁŁÍGÍÍ T’ÁÁŁÁ’Í GÓNE’É Line 2: Lesson Goals  Line 3: Learn the usual greeting Line 4: Introduce yourself and start a conversation Line 5: Ask a person’s name and inquire where he lives Line 6: Ask and answer a positive question Line 7: Use independent and possessive personal pronouns

My sophomore year of high school, I registered for Navajo Language I, not because I wanted to learn Navajo, but because I wanted to qualify for the Navajo Nation’s Chief Manuelito Scholarship Program. I grew up surrounded by Diné Bizaad and the Navajo culture. And there was a time that young Danielle wanted nothing more than to leave her language and culture behind for something “better” out East.

In high school, I thought going to college in New York City was going to fix all my problems. When I visited New York for the first time—yes, I was awestruck—but I was also cramped, lost, and unable to follow the sun’s path in the sky. High school Danielle didn’t take into account her relationship with home and Diné culture, not until it became tangled with New England trees and miles of city buildings.

Textbook entry with a title and two columns featuring words in Diné and some of their English translations. Title reads HASTIIN HALL DÓÓ KII YAZZIE. Line 1 column 1 says HALL	 Yá’át’ééh, ashkii. Column two says yá’át’ééh: hello ashkii: boy. Line 2 column 1 says KII	 Aoo’, yá’át’ééh. Column two says aoo’: yes. Line 3 column 1 says HALL	 Haash yinílyé, ashkii? Column 2 says haash yinílyé: what’s your name? Line 4 column 1 says Kii Yazzie yinishyé. Nisha’? Column two says nisha’: how about you? Then there’s a blank line and the chart continues. Line 6 column 1 says HALL	 Shí éí Rob Hall yinishyé. Column 2 says shí: I éí: filler word, that one. Line 7 column 1 says KII	 Diné bizaadísh bíhooł’aah? Column 2 says diné bizaad: Navajo language / -ísh: “?” bíhooł’aah: you are / learning it; bizaad: his language. Line 8 column 1 says HALL	 Aoo’, diné bizaad bíhoosh’aah. Column 2 says bíhoosh’aah: I’m learning it. Line 9 column 1 says KII	Diné bizaadísh nił yá’át’ééh? Column 2 says nił yá’át’ééh: you like it. Line 10 column 1 says HALL	 Aoo’, Diné bizaad shił yá’át’ééh. Column 2 says shił yá’át’ééh: I like it.

Irvy W. Goossen, after writing his first book, Navajo Made Easier, in 1979, went on to teach at Northern Arizona University, and published his second book, Diné Bizaad: Speak, Read, Write Navajo #, in 1995. He started as a teacher through Navajo Missionary language classes, before fully integrating himself into the Navajo community as a language learner and researcher. Goossen perpetuated destructive colonizer ideals through the anglicization of Diné Bizaad, a once spoken-only language. Sometimes I feel like I didn’t really learn Diné Bizaad, but some anglicized conglomerate that the elders in my community don’t completely understand—at least, not without an extensive explanation, usually in English.

Lines from Textbook. Line 1: Grandparent: “I don’t know what you’re saying, something about food?” Line 2: Me: “I asked if you want me to get you food.” / I gestured to the cookout table.  Line 3: Grandparent: “Ah! Aoo’.” / (Yes).

The people I’ve met who can speak and read Navajo are usually in their twenties. I’ve met youth who can read parts of Diné Bizaad and elders who can speak it without trouble. But it’s very rare that I meet a youth or an elder that can do both fluently. I find it interesting that this section of the lesson, featuring Hastiin Hall and Kii, is a conversation completely in Diné Bizaad between a Navajo elder and a young boy. When my friend Mykel and I read these conversations to each other during our Navajo I class, maybe we were actually speaking the ideal into existence—two students, taking on the role of a young Navajo boy and an old Navajo man, bridging that gap between youth and elders. Maybe the first step to bridging that gap is simply sitting down and speaking.

Lines from textbook in two columns. Line 1 column 1 says Bilagáana hastiin Rob Hall wolyé. Hastiin Hall Column 2 says hastiin: Mr., man, husband. Line 2 column 1 says Ch’íńlíidi bighan. Bilagáana nilí. Diné bizaad Column 2 says bighan: his home; nilí: he is. Line 3 column 1 says yíhooł’aah. Diné bizaad bił yá’át’ééh. Column 2 says bił yá’át’ééh: he likes it. Then there’s a blank line. Line 4 column 1 says Ashkii Kii Yazzie wolyé. T’áá diné nilí.	 Column 2 says t’áá diné: Navajo. Line 5 column 1 says Bilagáana dóó diné bizaad yíhooł’aah. Column 2 says dóó: Line 6 column 1 says Bilagáana dóó diné bizaad bił yá’át’ééh. Kii ałdó’ Ch’íńlíidi bighan. Column 2 says ałdó’: also, too

Diné Bizaad never came to me in the form of a book. As a child, I only saw Diné Bizaad written in church, where Christian missionaries translated the Bible into Navajo. I remember sitting between the wooden church pews, scrambling between my grandmother’s legs, and paging through a worn book with an anglicized alphabet of a language I’ve heard spoken by my aunts, grandparents, and mother since birth. To this day, most of my family members who speak Navajo don’t know how to write or read it. But they’re completely fluent speakers. Often, while writing, I call my mother and ask questions: How do you say that you miss someone? How do you say, “I miss you”? Is there a word for “sorry” in Navajo?” I’ve realized that learning Diné Bizaad means asking questions and listening, asking questions and listening, asking questions and listening, over and over again.

In high school, I was introduced to a formal teaching of Diné Bizaad, where students are expected to write and read from a settler colonial perspective on our cultural language. I was introduced to the book, Diné Bizaad: Speak, Read, Write, and I spent nearly three years studying this material alongside other Navajo youth. I recall those years fondly, seated next to one of my closest friends, handwriting sentences on lined white paper and taking Cornell notes. I remember the feel of the wooden pencil in my hand and the sound of the graphite, as I wrote on the blank lines from my official Navajo Introduction sheet:

A centered column of text with some words underlined. Each sentence is on its own line. Yá'át'ééh, shí éí Danielle Emerson yinishyé. Tłááshchi’i nishłí. Ta’neezaahnii ei bashichiin.  Adoo Ashii’hii ei dashicheii. Ta’chiinii ei dashinali. Nataanii Nez ei shighandi. Kot’eego ei Diné asdzáán nishłi. One line of blank space. Hello, I am called Danielle Emerson. I am the Red Cheek People Clan, born for the Tangled People Clan. My maternal grandfather is Salt People Clan. And my paternal grandfather is Red Running Into the Water People Clan. I am from Shiprock, New Mexico. I am a Diné (Navajo) woman.
From the textbook, line 1 says 1.1 PRONUNCIATION  The first section says Vowel Tone: You may have trouble hearing the low/high tones. Watch the vowels that have diacritics above them. They are said with a slightly higher tone than those not marked. The difference is close to half a note. It may vary according to the intensity of the statement. The second section says Vowel Length: As explained in the earlier pronunciation guide, double vowels are longer than single ones, about twice as long. The third section says Syllabic N: You will notice a tone mark over the /ń/ in Ch’íńlí. It is a syllable and could have been written as ní. People who speak slowly often make it a full syllable. The fourth section says Glottalized Consonants, ch’, t’: These consonants may take some extra practice. Once you master them, the others will be relatively easy. They are made with mouth air rather than lung air. Try making the sounds with your glottis closed. When you can do that, bring the consonants and vowels closer together in the following sets: ch’...í, ch’..í, ch’.í, ch’í t’...ééh, t’.ééh, t’ééh. You could start off with which inn and that, eh? And bring the words as close together as possible. The vowel sound is produced as the glottal stop is released.

I have a hard time pronouncing certain words in Navajo. They don’t come as easily to me, like they do to my mother or my grandmother. My tongue and throat understand how to make a glottal stop sound; they also have an understanding of the high tones and low tones. But my lack of fluency in Diné Bizaad really shows whenever I try to say the “gh–” sound, which isn’t simply a “guh–” but rather a “ggłuhh–” mixed in with a slight “rr–” reverberation. This is shown through the words, shighan, hoghan, and Ghaají. I’m not a linguist, so I can’t really name what these sounds are doing to the mouth, but I just know that the inner walls of my mouth and the thin expanse of my throat struggle to form sounds that my people have been speaking for years.

This might lead you to ask, Then how can you say that Diné Bizaad is a part of you? How can you connect with Diné Bizaad? When directly translated, Diné Bizaad means the language of the People. These are my People. This is our language. If this is our People’s language, how can I not say that Diné Bizaad is a part of who I am? Even when I trip over pronunciations and scrape my knees against phrases and definitions I have yet to learn; I am Diné.

From the textbook, line 1 says 1.2 The Name “Navajo”. The paragraph below says Navajos call themselves diné, t’áá diné: man; the people. The name “Navajo” derives from a Tewa word naabahu: cultivated fields, they took our fields. In Navajo this word is said naabeehó. Their language is diné bizaad: the people’s word/language or sometimes naabeehó bizaad.

Back home in Shiprock, New Mexico, everyone says “Navajo.” No one really says “Diné,” which is interesting, because Diné is what we call ourselves. And yet, I have multiple vivid memories of calling myself, my family, and my culture, Navajo. I remember my uncle, very proudly, pulling up a chair and sitting across from me at the dining table in my grandmother’s hoghan and, between bits and pieces of food saying, “You’re Navajo. Be proud of it.”

I have cousins and knew students who called themselves Navajo over Diné—going as far as to make it a part of their Instagram handles and Facebook profiles. While Navajo was derived from a Tewa phrase, then adopted by the Spaniards, I wonder if this is our subtle way of reclaiming something.

From the textbook line 1 says 1.3 White People. The paragraph below says White people are called bilagáana, probably a Navajo rendering of Spanish americano. The English language is bilagáana bizaad.

My paternal grandfather, from what I remember as a young child caught somewhere between eight and ten, didn’t speak much English. Maybe it was my age, but I don’t remember having that many English conversations with him. Instead, I remember the shape of his body as he walked next to mine, while we trekked over sand hills to pick up a large Domino’s pepperoni pizza. I remember the feel of his hand as he sang me to sleep during nap time, patting my back in a soothing rhythm. I remember his glasses, tucked back on the bridge of his nose. They were the shaded kind that kept out the sun and made him look like a cool motorcyclist. My grandfather taught me the word bilagáana while pointing out the Mormons from our small Kirtland community as we sat in the town Dairy Queen, licking up white vanilla ice-cream, shared because he wasn’t much of a sweets guy.

From the textbook, line 1 says 1.4 Greeting. The paragraph below says Yá’át’ééh: it is good, is the greeting, day or night. You will also hear: yá’át’ééh abíní: good morning. Other designations of time are usually not used in greetings.

In the mornings, my masaní’s (maternal grandmother’s) radio was always tuned into KNDN, the local radio station broadcasting in Navajo, serving the Four Corners area. I’d push past the screen door, and be greeted with “All Navajo, All the Time” and Gary Stewart. Through the speakers of a silver vintage radio with a taped antenna, I paid attention to which Navajo words I recognized. That radio became a huge part of my childhood, simply by being present and playing Diné Bizaad. Sometimes my masaní was in the kitchen, sipping on coffee, or she was out in the fields, tending to the land with calloused hands. But without fail, she always turned on that radio in the morning and kept it playing till late afternoon.

A common translation of yá’át’ééh is hello. And a common English translation of yá’át’ééh abíní is good morning. But if we were to directly translate them, they’d be Yes, it is good, and Yes, the morning is good. And I think that better encompasses how I felt those mornings hearing Diné Bizaad and old-country music playing in the morning: it is good.

From the textbook, line 1 says 1.5 The Handshake. The paragraph below says Navajos tend to shake hands much more frequently than is usual in the dominant society. To a newcomer the handshake seems a bit weak. The pressure of the thumb against the back of the other person’s hand carries as much affection as does a vigorous handshake. They often shake hands when taking leave.

I’d never heard of this before. Granted, my father taught me the opposite. I remember him telling me to “always look people in the eyes” and “give them a firm handshake” when you meet them. My father considered eye contact and firm handshakes respectful. But also, my father’s parents went through boarding school, so who knows if that’s where he learned it. It’s interesting how a language book includes gestures with the physical body. I think we forget that languages aren’t just spoken, but embodied as movement alongside our mouths.

From the textbook, line 1 says 1.6 Independent Personal Pronouns. The paragraph below says The subject pronoun is usually not given except for emphasis. The subject is indicated in the verb. There will be more on this after we have a few more verbs. Then there are three columns: (singular), (duoplural), and (plural). Line one says, across the columns: shí    I, mine, nihí     us, ours, danihí     us, ours. Line 2 says, across the columns: ni     you, yours nihí     you, yours, danihí     you, yours. Line 3 says, across the columns: bí     he, his, her, hers, bí        they, theirs daabí   The last line says   they, their  it, its The pronoun, ni: you, does not have the high tone of the other pronouns.

I remember my mother, surrounded by my aunts and uncles, laughing as my grandmother spoke Navajo. She’d pull me close, hugging me from the side, and say, “You are Tłááshchi’i.”

And when I asked, “What’s that?” she’d smile and say, “We’re the Red Cheek People.”

I knew that clans were important. I know that I’m Tłááshchi’i from my mom’s side and Ta’neezaahnii on my father’s side. I understood that there is a clear connection between me, my clans, my family, and my people. But it wasn’t until I got to high school that I learned the specific word for this deep connection: kinship. Or more specifically, Ke’.

We are learning Diné Bizaad—we are speaking Diné Bizaad—because Diné Bizaad goes hand in hand with the livelihood of Ke’ and the ideological beliefs of our long and ever-growing culture. Ke’ does not exist without Diné Bizaad, and Diné Bizaad does not exist without Ke’.

From the textbook, line 1 says 1.7 Demonstrative Pronoun. The paragraph below says Éí: he, she, it, they, that, that one, those, a demonstrative pronoun, is frequently simply a filler word to help smooth out the flow of a sentence. It may separate two words that would otherwise seem to be connected. Then there are two columns. Line 1 says:  Ashkii éí Kii wolyé		The boy’s name is Kee. Line 2 says: Shí éí Kii yinishyé		As for me, I’m called Kee. Line 3 says: Éí ashkii haash wolyé?	What is that boy’s name? Line 4 says: Éí ashkii Kii wolyé.	That boy’s name is Kee.

“It may separate two words that would otherwise seem to be connected.”

Speaking English / éí / as a Diné woman.

Knowing only a little bit of Navajo / éí/ as a Diné woman.
My father did not know Diné Bizaad, / éí / but my
mother speaks it fluently.
My younger sister knows more Diné Bizaad / éí / than me because she got
to be a part of an elementary school language learning initiative.

Shí / éí / Diné Bizaad bíhoosh'aah.
I am/ éí /learning Diné Bizaad.

From the textbook, line 1 says 1.8 Question Enclitics (suffixes). The paragraph below says Navajo has the question words for who, where, what, why, when, how, that require a statement for an answer. All other questions require a yes or no answer, or a negative or affirmative statement, as much as in English. The basic yes/no question marker is -ísh. Notice the vowel change in the last examples: Diné bizaadísh yíhooł’aah? Is he learning Navajo? Diné ashkiísh bilagáana bizaad yíhooł’aah? Is the Navajo boy learning English?

I never got the chance to ask my father why he didn’t know Navajo. While he was alive, it seemed like an insensitive thing to ask. And maybe it still is, but a part of me wonders if he’d laugh and say, “I don’t know” similar to how I respond when people ask me why I don’t speak Navajo (not Diné Bizaad, but Navajo).

When I asked my mother, she said, “Your dad didn’t want us to teach you.” I’m assuming “us” meant my mother and my aunt, since my father only knew his clans and maybe how to count to ten. I’ll admit, I don’t know enough about my dad’s background to make a definite claim, but it makes me wonder: did my dad’s dad, my grandfather who mostly spoke Diné Bizaad, not want him to learn Navajo, either?

From the textbook, line 1 says 1.9 Verb “to be”  (neuter mode). Below are three columns. Line 1 says nishłí    (I am)		niidlí   (we two are)		daniilidi   (we three are)  Line 2 says nílí       (you are)	nohłí   (you two are)		danohłí    (you three are) Line 3 says nilí       (he/she/it is)	nilí      (they two are)		danilí       (they three are) Then the following sentences and their translations are each on their own line: Naabeehó nishłí.  I am Navajo. Bilagáana nílí.  You are a white person. Kii dóó Chii diné nilí.  Kee and Chee are Navajos. John dóó Mary dóó Betsy diné danilí.  John and Mary and Betsy are Navajos.

To be.
I am.
Diné nishļí.
I am Diné.
Haash dóone’é nílí
Yá’át’ééh shí éí
Danielle Shandiin Emerson yinishyé.
It is good, it is good, hello.
I am Danielle. I am Sunshine.
I am Danielle Medicine.
Tłààshchí’í nishłíí dóó Ta’neeszahnii bàshíshchíín.
I am Red Cheek Clan, born for
the Tangled People Clan.
My mother used to joke, we’re Red Bottoms,
your butt was bright red when you were born.
I learned later, there are two
translations. Red Cheek,
Red Bottom, a Clan passed down from
my mother, and her mother,
and all those Red Cheek Clan mothers
before her who were born
with red bottoms
before her.
I am Diné.
Diné nishļí.
I am.
To be.

From the textbook, line 1 says 1.10 Verb “to learn it”   (imperfective mode). Then there are three columns. Line 1 says: bíhoosh’aah		bíhwiil’aah		bídahwiil’aah Line 2 says: bíhooł’aah		híhooł’aah		bídahooł’aah Line 3 says: yíhooł’aah 		yìhooł’aah		yídahooł’aah. Then, in paragraph form, it reads: Note: The da- prefix in the last column is a distributive, indicating there are more than two involved either in the subject or the object, or in both. The prefix can apply to the verb, noun, pronoun, adverb, adjective, and postposition. This paradigm is given in the imperfective mode. Imperfective means that the action is incomplete but in the process of becoming complete and usually translates into the present tense in English. The second person singular and dual are alike in this verb, which is not usually the case. On the other hand, third person singular and dual are always alike except in those verbs which indicate number by the stem.

It took leaving my homeland to realize the importance of learning Diné Bizaad and our traditions. Growing up, I was tethered to everything Navajo. It was commonplace. I was immersed in the language and spent a lot of time at my grandparent’s hoghan. But when I got into a fully funded high school journalism program out on the East coast, I realized that Navajo, that Diné Bizaad, wasn’t as commonplace as I thought. Our language is undergoing a colonial genocide.

Our language is strong and living, and nothing changes that. But as a Diné youth, I need to do my part to keep not only my culture alive but also an inherent part of myself thriving.

From the textbook, line 1 says: 1.11 Verb “to be good”. The paragraph below says: Yá’át’ééh: he, she, it is good, they two are good, is a complete sentence, as are all verbs in Navajo. The language does not show gender distinction in the pronoun. Then there are two columns , the Diné and the English translation. Line 1: Diné bizaad yá’át’ééh.   The Navajo language is good. (man, his word, it-is-good) Line 2: John éí yá’át’ééh.	   John is good, is a good man. Line 3: Bilagáana bizaad ałdó’ yá’át’ééh.	English is also a good language.

Yá’át’ééh
It is
good.
shí
éí
I,
Danielle Shandiin Emerson yinishyé
am called
It is good
It is good.
I am Danielle.
Tłààshchí’í nishłíí dóó
Ta’neeszahnii bàshíshchíín.
I am Red Cheek Clan, born for
the Tangled People Clan.
Ashííhí éí dashicheii dóó
Táchii’nii éí dashinálí.
My maternal grandfather is the Salt People Clan,
and my paternal grandfather is
Red Running Into The Water People Clan.
And it is good
It is good.
Even as my family swirls, round and round in the wind,
tied together by our fingertips with
white yarn that holds up
our hair, smeared with warm
winter sunlight on our mouths,
and dripping black coffee
on our tongues, I say my introduction
with a voice that reflects all the
good things that come from the east.
All the good things that
those before me have passed on
through love, though K’é and kinship,
through names and the land we grew up on,
like thousands of stars,
So’ łani
in my
outstretched
hand.

From the textbook, line 1 says: 1.12 Possessive and Postpositional Pronouns (affixed). The paragraph below says: The postposition (the whole thing is called a postposition in these lessons) bił: with him, her, it, them is used idiomatically here. Bił yá’át’ééh: he likes him, her, it, them (him-with, he-, she-, it-is-good, they-are-good). Change the pronoun before -ł to conform to the person. A new paragraph says: Note: The generic pronoun “he” is used throughout these lessons because there is no gender distinction in the pronoun in Navajo. No offense is intended. Then there are lines with the Diné and their English translations. Line 1: Mary diné bizaad bił yá’át’ééh.  Mary likes the Navajo language. Line 2: Áłchíní (children) nihiļ yá’ádaat’ééh.   We like the children. Line 3: John Mary bił yá’át’ééh.   John likes Mary. Line 4: Diné bizaad shił yá’át’ééh.    I like the Navajo language.

This lesson got drilled into our heads as Navajo Language II students during my sophomore year of high school. I remember explaining this language rule to my younger siblings.

“When you want to say you really like something, you use ayóó shił yá’át’ééh.”

I remember my youngest sister nodding along, watching my fingers as I pointed at worksheets. “But if you’re talking about food that you really like, instead you say, ayóó shił łikan.”

A part of me liked that I knew the small nuances. I felt like I was really getting somewhere with learning Diné Bizaad. It made me feel a bit closer to my culture and family. And I think it brought me and my sisters closer together too.

From the textbook, line 1 says: 1.13 Definite Article. The line below says By now you have noticed there are no definite articles in Navajo.

In Diné culture, we bury our newborn’s umbilical cords in places that hold great significance and impact. My umbilical cord was buried at my masaní’s farm. For our lifetimes, and perhaps even beyond, we’re tethered to where our umbilical cord is buried. There’s something freeing about Diné Bizaad. It makes me feel both connected and untethered. There’s a comforting push and pull that exists between me and language. Would I still feel a strong connection to home and my masaní’s farm if my umbilical cord hadn’t been buried there? Definitely. Because I don’t think it’s the umbilical cord that tethers and untethers me. But rather the love and care that’s been shared, cupped in warm, crushed-velvet hands, and spoken in Diné Bizaad, an embodied language that makes me who I am, despite the fact that there are not “definite articles” in Navajo.

From the textbook, line 1 says: 1.14  How? The paragraph below says: Haa, haash, haasha’ are alternate forms of how? Use the one easiest for you; the first one is used most frequently. After some practice you will vary the word.

There are still some things in Diné Bizaad that I don’t know. There are phrases and sentences I don’t know how to say or translate into English. And those moments, where I’m unable to bridge my understanding to Diné Bizaad and can only find the words in English, in Bilagáanna Kejí, sometimes I feel lost—untethered and free-floating in open space. I’ve never asked the family on my dad’s side why they never learned Navajo.

Growing up, I thought a lot about this untethered-ness, and how my hands, at such a young age, wanted to take the ends of the long, bloody, strung wool between me and my culture, between me and my language, between me and my family, and tie them together into little knots that decorate our necks and fingers in turquoise blue and sterling silver. My masaní used to say, "I feel naked without my dootł'izh.” And I’d watch her put on her jewelry, wondering how / haash a bare neck and wrist could feel so exposed—perhaps even vulnerable. And it took years watching my masaní stand tall despite so many hardships to finally understand: she didn’t know the English word for armor, so to reach an understanding between her middle school granddaughter with a limited amount of Navajo vocabulary, she described the feeling as vulnerability. I still think about that to this day, how / haash we met each other in the middle, even if it wasn’t perfect by translation standards. And perhaps that’s where language learning emerges. The haash.

From the textbook, line 1 says: 1.15 Verb “to be called a name”. The line below says: Only four of the forms are given here. You can find the whole paradigm in Appendix A. Then there are two columns, the Diné and the English translation. Line 1: yinishyé		I am called Line 2: yinílyé 		you (sgl) are called Line 3: wolyé/yoolyé		he is called, they (dl) are called Line 4: dwolyé/daolyé	they (pl) are called. Line 5: Shí éí Belle yinishyé As for me, my name is Belle. Line 6: Díí éí Jan wolyé		As for her, her name is Jan.

My aunt and cousin once attended a poetry reading of mine. I was a little nervous, since they’d never heard me read my work aloud before, and I’ve always had reservations about sharing my writing with family since a lot of my poems are inspired by the good and bad of family and the past. But when I walked to the front, flattening my long, flowered skirt and adjusting my turquoise cluster earrings, and I felt their gaze on me, I suddenly felt confident. Something told me I needed to share this with them.

I finally felt ready to share these poems:

HER AND THOSE BEFORE HER
“Shí / I feel naked without my jewelry,” those were her
words, my masaní / grandmother
smiled her
old birchwood smile when our ałts’ísí / small
curious nihiłá / hands pointed and twirled and pulled at her
shells and stones, all strung together below her
bik’os / neck, between our nihłílazhoozh / fingers.
“I feel naked without my dootl'izh / turquoise protection”…

SHÍMA YAZHÍ AHÉHEE’ / THANK YOU, AUNTIE
Shíma yazhí / my aunt sits on shílátsíín / my wrist.
The colors that adorn her hair
łitsxo / orange and yágo doołtizh / blue
are hand plucked and spun from Father Sky.
It is thin and braided, held together with a silver
clasp. Shíma yazhí / my aunt points, “Look.”
Shí / my gaze turns,
meeting the dinilchí / pink glow of an early winter morning.
It reflects off her eyes
like frosted headlights from passing cars on the highway. ayóó
déézk’aaz / it’s cold out, the air turns my breath into white curls, like
smoke from a dying stove ko’ / fire…

YOUNG NAVAJO GIRL
In the land’s large palm, its distance
the rough edges,
make her look so much
smaller.
Mesa tabletops, stacked like hands
fingers intertwined,
wrinkled and callused.
Hands
the girl has held before.
Hands
the girl has never seen before.
Hands
growing yucca plants and yellow rocks,
from their fingernails…

My cousin found me afterward, and I didn’t know how I expected him to react. I was still coming down from the clear buzz of reading work aloud in front of an audience. But I found myself surprised to see tears in his eyes. In a sincere tone that almost cracked at the end, he said, “I read your poems before today, and I don’t really know how to read poetry. But hearing you read it, with the Navajo language and memories, I finally felt like I understood it. It’s different hearing you speak it.”

Something fell into place. My cousin read my poetry beforehand, a written gesture towards language learning and self-expression. Then came to my reading to hear me read the poems aloud. And here, where writing was granted voice and movement, is where something like understanding fell into place. There’s something a little unnatural with reading Diné Bizaad, that subconsciously, or maybe even consciously, my cousin wasn’t able to connect with in my written poems. But, when the words were spoken, even if he didn’t understand, my cousin still felt that same tug and pull of the tether all Diné feel, so deeply, with Diné Bizaad.

There’s a lived experience in speaking Diné Bizaad, in telling stories, and in voice. Even if I wasn’t directly teaching a lesson in Navajo, my cousin still felt like he understood the root—the emotion-lined memories—of what I was saying. It’s this underlying connection to Diné Bizaad and Diné identity that draws us together. My cousin and I reached a shared understanding: we saw each other in Diné Bizaad for the first time.

From the textbook, line 1 says: 1.17 Who?, Which? The paragraph below says: Another question word, useful for practice, is háí, háísh, háísha’: who?, which? which one? The first two are used the most. Then there are two columns. Line 1: Háísh Kii wolyé? 	Who? Which one is called Kee?Line 2: Ashkii Kii wolyé. 	The boy is called Kee.

My middle name is a common
name back home.
Shandíín / Sunshine / Sunwarmth / Sunlight /
It has different / translations.
I always found translations strange.
In my head, I was just Shandíín.
Danielle Shandíín Emerson.
Not Danielle Sunshine / Sunwarmth / Sunlight / Emerson
But my father nicknamed me, not Shandíín,
but Sunshine.
Sunshine became my identity.
My father made Sunshine my name.
But I always knew
that my language,
that Shandíín felt more like me.
Because my language is my identity,
my language is who I am.
I am not Sunshine.
Háísh Danielle Shandíín Emerson wolyé?
Who is called
Danielle Shandíín Emerson?
I raise my hand.
Me.

From the textbook, line 1 says: 1.18 Adverb  “where?”, where at?” The paragraph below says: Háadi: where at, has essentially the same use as the English equivalent. Notice the preposition at comes after where. -di is a locative enclitic. It may be affixed to the Navajo and English place names and nouns. It translates to in/at. When the last syllable of the word to which the enclitic is attached is high in tone and short, the syllable lengthens and drops to the low tone of -di: Chíńlí + di  becomes  Ch’ínlíidi. Then there are two columns. Line 1: Shighandi diné bizaad bídahwiil’aah	        We’re learning Navajo at my house. Line 2: Jack NCCdi diné bizaad yíhooł’aah	Line 3: Jack is learning Navajo at Navajo Community College Line 4: Lucy Steamboatdi bighan. 		        Lucy lives at Steamboat. Then a new line: Shighan is a noun, not a verb; no verb is required when the sentence ends in this word.

“KNDN, all Navajo all the time!” The radio host spoke with the same, rough Navajo accent that many of our elders carried with pride. The entire radio station consisted of Diné Bizaad, led proudly by the Diné community. I could pick out a few of the host’s words. Mostly about advertisements: car dealerships and back-to-school discounts at local supermarkets. Sometimes I could translate full sentences, “Kirtland Central High School is hosting parent-teacher conferences this weekend.” Other times I’d only catch the date and place, “Dííjí eí damóo Niłchil’tsosí táá’,” (Today is Sunday, November third) or “Dahghaalgaiidi,” (taking place in Kirtland). But no matter my ability to understand, the radio station offered comfort. If the radio was on, shimasani was already up and working in the fields. During the winter, she always started the stove’s fire early. So whenever us younguns came over to shower and get ready for school, we were met with warmth—in sound and in atmosphere.

Diné Bizaad is warmth. It is home. Diné Bizaad éí shigandi. We live in our language and our language lives in us.

From the textbook, line 1: 1.20 Query 	Patterned Response. The paragraph below says: First off, your teacher needs to know your names. It is better to respond instantly and make an error than to worry a long time before you respond. Then two columns. Line 1: Model	Haash yinílyé? Line 2: Student	___________ yinishyé. Line 3: Model		___________ éí haash wolyé? Line 4: Student	Éí ____________ wolyé.

I spent a good portion of my life learning Diné Bizaad alongside one person. And while I wish it was my grandmother or my aunt, or even my own mother, it was a friend back from New Mexico, in our small bordertown high school, who sat in on the same Navajo language classes I did from our sophomore to senior year. Diné Bizaad had always been around me, but I wasn’t actively trying to learn, not like how I was with Mykel. As we neared graduation and crammed our heads with sentence structures and body-parts vocabulary, we also very loosely practiced in the hallways during lunch and passing periods.

Mykel:“K’adish?”/You ready to go? or We done here?
Me:“Aoo’, K’ad.”/Yes, we’re done.

We both took the class seriously and helped each other along. And when it was time to choose partners to practice conversing in Diné Bizaad, we’d simply turn our chairs to face each other. Sadly, I don’t remember all of those conversations, as we’d spend too much time asking each other questions or stumbling through a couple of phrases. But I think we touched on something just as important as learning our language—Diné Bizaad is about relationships. Me and Mykel formed a bond through language learning that started with a shared identity and became a lifelong friendship. Thank you for teaching me that, Mykel. Ahéhee'.

From the textbook, line 1: 1.22 Query 	Free Response. The line below says: The class may sit in a circle and in turn ask each other the following questions: What follows is in an indented lettered column with fill-in-the-blanks:   a.	Haash yinílyé? 	___________ yinishyé.  b.	___________, diné bizaadísh bíhooł’aah? 	Aoo’, diné bizaad bíhoosh’aah.   c.	___________, diné bizaadísh nił yá’át’ééh? Aoo’, diné bizaad shił yá’át’ééh.  d.	Háadi nighan, ____________ ? ____________di shighan.   e.	Nighanísh nił yá’át’ééh? Aoo’, shighan shił yá’át’ééh.       (Use of third person) a.	Éí haash wolyé? Éí ___________ wolyé.   b.	_______________ diné bizaadísh yíhooł’aah? Aoo’, __________ diné bizaad yíhooł’aah.

At home, family members have started asking me how to say or write certain things in Diné Bizaad. And while being relied on makes me feel trusted, it also adds pressure—pressure to get everything right, pressure to know everything. I know that this isn’t their intention. But sometimes my semblance of knowing, and therefore my lack of knowing, becomes a heavy heat behind my eyes and in my neck, something I can’t rub out or make fully disappear.

But despite this pressure, or perhaps better known as fear—fear of being wrong, fear of losing our language, fear of not knowing enough—my cousins and siblings help me remember that they’re learning just like I am. We’re listening to KNDN and trying to understand what the local masaní’s and cheii’s are saying on the radio. We’re looking over flash cards and sharing them with each other. We’re asking questions over Facetime, phone calls, texts, and instant messenger—how would you say waffle in Diné Bizaad? And if we keep helping each other, if we keep establishing and nurturing our relationships—our relationship to Diné Bizaad, to our culture, and toward each other—then Diné Bizaad / Navajo, will be all right. We will be all right.

From the textbook, line 1: 1.23 Narrative. The next line says: Fill in names and memories to tell in class. Then it says: Yá’át’ééh. Shí éí ______(name)_______ yinishyé. Diné bizaad bíhoosh’aah. Diné bizaad shił yá’át’ééh. ________(name of place)________di bighan. Bighan bił yá’át’ééh.

Yá’át’ééh. Shí éí Danielle Shandíín Emerson yinishyé. Diné Bizaad bíhoosh’aah.

Diné Bizaad ayóó shił yá’át’ééh. Nataaní Néézdi shighan. Shighan ayóó shił yá’át’ééh.

This is my narrative.

My name is Danielle Shandíín Emerson. I am learning Diné Bizaad. I really love learning Diné Bizaad. My home is Shiprock, New Mexico. I love my home a lot.

This is my narrative. Language learning emerges here.

Ahéhee’.


Danielle Shandíín Emerson is a Diné writer from Shiprock, New Mexico on the Navajo Nation. Her clans are Tłaashchi’i (Red Cheek People Clan), born for Ta’neezaahníí (Tangled People Clan). Her maternal grandfather is Ashííhí (Salt People Clan) and her paternal grandfather is Táchii’nii (Red Running into the Water People Clan). She has a B.A. in Education Studies and a B.A. in Literary Arts from Brown University. She has received fellowships from GrubStreet, Lambda Literary, The Diné Artisan + Author Capacity Building Institute, Ucross Foundation, Vermont Studio Center, Tin House, and Monson Arts. She has work published from swamp pink, Poets.org, Yellow Medicine Review, Poetry Magazine, Thin Air Magazine, the Chapter House Journal, and others. Her writing centers healing, kinship, language-learning, and family. She is an incoming MFA graduate student at Vanderbilt University.

FROM Volume 74, Numbers 1 & 2

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